Sarrera honetan aipatzen genuen "-no" atzizki zaharra, zein herenegun ikusten genuen nóla etor litekén tikan "-non" zaharragoa, zeinen esangura, jarraiki Lakarra (2013), litzaké bikoitza:
... both movement and a locative idea.
Lakarraren azalpen horretan, hemengo "-d-" epentetiko modukoa ez litzake inondik inora epentetikoa, izanki jatorri verbala: "-din", halatan-ze, jarraiki Lakarraren azalpena, "-giño" etorriko litzaké tikan "-diño" (ikus hemen), non justuki "-g-" hori bukatuko zen izatén epentetikoa.
Eta, orain, galdera dá: zér zioen De Rijk-ek buruz "-g-" hori? Ba, hauxe da bere azalpena:
"*-ragaindo" > "-ra + gain + *-do"
non izanen genuké
atzizki zahar bat, "*
-do", zeinen esangura izanen litzaké
muga-adlatiboa "
until,
up to". Ikus an hitzak e Ekaitz Santazilia ("
Noun Morphology", 2013):
The terminative allative appears as -raño, -radino, -raino, -raindo, -d(a)rano, -giño, etc. All of these have final -o. De Rijk (1995a: 297-302) believes that the most conservative of these variants is -raindo. In fact, forms attested in Navarre such as bat-e-o ‘at the same time’ (from bat ‘one’) could point to the old existence of a consonant which would justify the epenthesis of -e-. This consonant would be, according to de Rijk, the -d- which is found in -raindo, but also in words such as oraindo ‘until now’ (it also appears as oraino). *-do would be, then, an old morpheme to express ‘until, up to’. [Santazilia, 2013:268]
Bukaerako "*
-do" horretaz aparte, izanen genuke betiko "
-ra" adlatiboa eta baita "
gain"
izena ere, nondik etorriko litzaké "*
gaindo" > "
giño" izena (zein zen abiapuntua e azalpena e Azkue, zeintaz mintzatu ginén adibidez
hemen). Ikus Santaziliaren hitzetan:
In the rest of the morpheme, in de Rijk’s view we would have the word gain ‘top’, which, according to Jacobsen and Trask, is also present in the inessive (cf. §6.4.2.1). Consequently, we would start from the grammaticalization of an independent element *gaindo (lit. ‘up to the top’). As gain lost its lexical content, its initial consonant dropped out, thus giving rise to one of the attested secondary cases from the allative: *-ragaindo > *-raaindo > -raindo. If we start from *-ragaindo, all the variants mentioned above are easy to explain, except for two.
To explain -giño, residually attested in B, we would have to propose that*-gaindo has been attached directly to the root, with no allative suffix. The second one, -d(a)rano, consists of -da- + *-ragaindo > -raindo > -raino > -raño > -rano. This -da- would be, again, the same archaic morpheme discussed above (cf. §6.4.2.2), with the meaning of ‘now’, although, by the period of the grammaticalization of the whole suffix, it would already have lost this meaning (ibid.: 362). The desemantization of the morpheme -da-, as well as of -gain-, further gave rise to a high number of pleonastic forms in many authors, perhaps the most intricate one being Tt. (S, 17th century) egün-ialadrano ‘until the day’. In this form, we have two already known allatives, -ala- and -ra-, with which the terminative postposition has agglutinated.[Santazilia, 2013:268-269]
Azken errepikapen hori komentatu genuén
hemen. Edonola ere, hor izanen genuke "*
-do" sufijo
muga-adlatibo zahar berreraikia. [
⇶]
Etiketak: -radino, De Rijk, Lakarra, o
